"There are more than 2500 residential buildings within 0.5 - 1.0 km of the Clonshaugh boundary site, including Clonshaugh, Priorswood, and Darndale housing estates as well as the Burnell Court apartment development at the Northern Cross. Building a sewage treatment plant on the doorstep of these estates would be unacceptable. It must be noted that the local authority making the decision is Fingal County Council, while the residents affected by a decision in favour of Clonshaugh live in the Dublin City Council area.

"The proposal to route the outfall from the Clonshaugh site to the sea north of Ireland's Eye through a pipeline under Baldoyle Estuary is of grave concern from an environmental viewpoint. It is believed that this will be strongly opposed by the National Parks & Wildlife Service. On the other side of Baldoyle Estuary the pipeline would go through the Portmarnock Dunes and the popular Portmarnock Velvet Strand Blue Flag Beach.

"I will be conveying my opposition to the proposed Clonshaugh Sewage Treatment site to the Fingal County Manager."

The Irish economy is starting to grow again, our public finances are being brought under control and the Government is using its strong political mandate to build upon this to deliver long term, sustainable growth. It is a very painful road to be travel, but we are on track to bring the deficit below 3% of Gross Domestic Product by 2015. We have restructured and recapitalised our banking systems. New initiatives have been launched to boost job creation.

However, our living standards and our capacity to create jobs depend on our ability to trade and to attract investment. For that to happen and for economic recovery to be possible, we need stability--stability in Ireland and stability in Europe. The kind of stability that gives investors and families reasonable certainty about what the future holds.

This Government has made steady progress in rebuilding Ireland's international reputation, which has seen investor confidence in Ireland increase significantly. This has led to new investments and these investments are creating new jobs for our people. Ratification of the Stability Treaty will allow this flow of investment to continue and expand.

The creation of stronger fiscal rules is an essential element of the steps that are needed to ensure stability, confidence and growth here in Ireland, and in the Eurozone. No one is claiming that the Stability Treaty is a panacea, but the Treaty is an important part of the package because it provides assurance that the kinds of problem that have emerged in Greece cannot happen again. This treaty will also ensure that the reckless economic mismanagement that drove our country to the brink of bankruptcy will not be repeated by any future Government.

Much of the discussion over the last couple has been on access to funds from the European Stability Mechanism and suggested other sources of funding. The treaty makes it clear that in the future only those countries that have ratified the Stability Treaty will be able to access emergency funding under the ESM. The ESM is directly referenced in the preamble of this Treaty and the legislation that underpins the ESM specifically states that only those who ratify the Stability Treaty can access it.

If we decide not to ratify the treaty, we will leave Ireland without an important safety net. Whether we like it or not, that will send a negative message to those thinking of lending to Ireland or investing money here. It will suggest the position has become a great deal riskier; as we know, confidence and certainty are the lifeblood of investment, without which investors who create jobs will look to safer harbours elsewhere. Paradoxically, a decision to lock ourselves out of the ESM will make it more, not less, likely that we will need it. People must weigh this issue very carefully in deciding how to cast their vote.

It has been suggested that, if required, we could obtain funding from the IMF. The IMF has stated that we are open to apply for funding; however, there is a clear distinction between "applying" for funding and "accessing" funds. We have already received funding from the IMF well beyond our quota, and the only reason we have been able obtain this additional assistance is because it has occurred in conjunction with EU assistance. It is unrealistic to presume that we would be able to access further funding, and, in any case, the conditions the IMF normally attaches to funding are much more stringent than the condition of the current Troika deal.

I hope people will take the time to read the Treaty and make up their own minds. I also hope they will see the decision ahead is an important part of Ireland's road to recovery and that a vote in favour of ratification on 31st of May will send a strong positive signal about the country to our European partners and the wider world. It will say that Ireland is looking to the future with confidence and that we are committed to sensible, sustainable economic policies that will allow this Government to get people back to work, to grow our economy and to create jobs.

I urge people to cast a YES VOTE on May 31st.

"I am very pleased with Minister Burton's announcement which will bring the number of places available on the scheme from 5,000 to 6,000. Extending the eligibility to allow applications from people who receive One Parent Family Payments and those on Disability Allowance is a significant progression in the right direction towards equality and inclusion."

"I have spoken to the Minister about bringing people who are parenting alone and people who are on disability allowance into the JobBridge scheme on many occasions and I think it is very positive that this is now happening. More people will now be in a position to broaden their skills base, and I hope that the experience will lead to the securing long-term employment."

"JobBridge was initiated as a cornerstone of the Government's Jobs Initiative which we announced soon after coming into office. The figures recently released show that the first phase of JobBridge has been a huge success with over 40% of participants who completed the first phase of the programme moving seamlessly into full-time employment, with even more finding employment shortly after completion.""

"My experience is that the overwhelming majority of people want to work, make a contribution to their community and gain practical on-the-job experience regardless of their personal circumstances.

"Labour is the party of work and we have had a number of high profile job announcements recently, such as Mylan and Gerard Laboratories in Dublin North East. Investments like this happened because this government has managed to methodically restore investor confidence and Ireland's international reputation. The success of JobBridge shows that we have a young, educated and determined pool of talent who are committed to developing their careers too and take up quality opportunities backed by government, business and the voluntary and community sector."

"The Red Stables opened 2006 when the building was beautifully restored by Dublin City Council. It houses an arts and crafts centre with room for artists, a gallery and a café. Every Saturday there is a food and crafts market in the courtyard. They are a fantastic amenity to have in St. Anne's Park and on the Northside of Dublin. It enables people to get a snack and a drink when they are visiting the many amenities St. Anne's Park, including the Rose Garden and children's playground, and there is also a country market held there as well."

"I would also note that the public toilets adjacent to the café are to be cleaned and maintained by café operator as part of the agreement to run the Red Stables. The toilets will be cleaned and maintained outside normal Dublin City Council working hours at the Red Stables and at other times as requested by Dublin City Council. I know there have been complaints about the conditions of these toilets in the past by visitors and I welcome the strict requirements to maintain them included in this agreement."

The primary purpose of the Bill is to establish a legislative framework for commercial vehicle roadworthiness testing in the State. The Bill will see the functions of local authorities regarding CVR being taken on by the Road Safety Authority. In addition, the Bill will provide for a new licensing/authorisation system in respect of test centres and authorised testers, as well as greater powers of enforcement through targeted roadside inspections and inspections of commercial operators' premises in respect of vehicle maintenance and roadworthiness.

The Bill also provides for revised administrative arrangements for the processing and management of driving licences. The change will provide the necessary support for the introduction of a plastic card driving licence in Ireland at the beginning of 2013 and for the transfer of the driver licensing function from local authorities to the RSA. The reforms being delivered on foot of this Bill will result in a significant saving in the current organisation of public services in these areas and will result in a better public service.

I want to put it on the record of the House that the commitment shown by the RSA, local authorities and those working in the area in responding to the challenge of public service reform and working to deliver the service changes underpinning this Bill is to be commended.

Regarding commercial vehicle roadworthiness testing, a number of years ago, following some high profile collisions involving commercial vehicles, the Department of Transport tasked the RSA with undertaking a comprehensive review of arrangements for the roadworthiness testing of commercial vehicles in Ireland. At present, commercial vehicles are required to undergo an annual roadworthiness test at an authorised test centre. Local authorities are responsible for authorising privately operated garages to provide testing services and for completing regular supervision of the authorised testers in their area. Following a comprehensive review, which was carried out by independent consultants on behalf of the RSA, the recommendations contained in the report were approved by the Department.

The recommendations involved two courses of action that would seek to raise the standard of commercial vehicle testing across the country on a permanent basis. The first element was a complete overhaul of the CVR testing system to provide for a three-strand approach by addressing the testing process to ensure that roadworthiness tests are conducted impartially and correctly at all times; developing a programme of roadside inspections to ensure continuous compliance with roadworthiness standards; the introduction of operator premises checks, and intelligence-led targeting of operators based on risk. The second element was the transfer of responsibility for the management and operation of the commercial vehicle testing system from local authorities to the RSA. The two elements are linked and necessary to meet the overall objective of the transformation programme, which will make a step change in the quality of commercial vehicles using Irish roads and thereby help to improve road safety, reduce congestion, ensure fair competition, develop a much greater awareness of road safety issues and promote a culture of safety in the transport industry in respect of the use and maintenance of commercial vehicles including trailers.

It has been claimed that commercial pressures have led some operators to cut corners in terms of vehicle maintenance and compliance with required vehicle standards, thus providing such operators with an unfair commercial advantage. This is not hearsay and the claims are supported by RSA and Garda enforcement activity and reports from enforcement authorities in other EU member states on the defects found in Irish commercial vehicles. The Government has to act on all of this. In the current economic climate, it is even more important to take all necessary steps to ensure the roadworthiness and quality of the national vehicle fleet does not deteriorate further.

In terms of safety, an estimated 17.5% of road fatalities on Irish roads over the period from 1996 to 2010 involved commercial vehicles, so an improvement in the roadworthiness of these vehicles could not only save lives but also result in substantial savings to the State. The avoidance of four fatal collisions or 25 serious injury collisions per year involving commercial vehicles would more than cover the operational cost of this proposed reform. However, I would emphasise that it is the avoidance of loss, injury, and pain for the families involved that will provide the real gain.

Another major contribution of this reform is to reduce congestion caused by breakdowns of commercial vehicles. It is estimated that up to 10% of total congestion on primary roads is caused by such incidents. Vehicles that are not compliant with the roadworthiness testing system are considered to be a significant contributory factor. Based on UK estimates of the economic impact of such incidents, the cost to Ireland would be in the range of €1 billion to €2 billion. It is clear that avoiding even a small number of these incidents on the M50 or in the port tunnel, for example, would have considerable economic benefit.

The other area to which the provisions of the Bill relate is the transfer of the driver licensing function from local authorities to the RSA. The system as it currently stands has a number of strands. Local authorities, operating out of motor tax offices, are responsible for processing applications and delivering licences. Budgetary responsibility for the licence service rests with the Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government. The Department of Transport has responsibility for policy oversight and the driver licence database, which is managed by the national vehicle driver file section in Shannon. Operational oversight at national level and certain elements of policy guidance rests with the Road Safety Authority.
The impetus for the change that is now being progressed is the introduction of the plastic card driving licence in 2013. Under EU Licensing Directive 2006/126, all member states are required to introduce a plastic card driver licence in January 2013. The introduction of this new form of licence presents an opportunity to review the licence issuing system as a whole and an examination of whether a more efficient approach towards driver licencing could be made.

The RSA review suggests that for reasons of security, efficiencies and economy of scale the plastic card licence should be produced by an outsourced provider. Apart from other considerations, it would not be economically feasible to site plastic card production facilities at multiple locations. The main recommendation of the review was that a centralised model for dealing with all aspects of the plastic card driver licence should be proceeded with. The advantages flowing from such an approach cover identity features, security, customer service, efficiency and value for money.

In conclusion the objectives of this Bill is to introduce a reform programme that will improve the roadworthiness and safety of commercial vehicles and to provide for the introduction of a plastic card driving licence with more efficient and effective management arrangements. I believe that they are a positive part of the reform agenda driven by Government.

"Inclusion Ireland called for this at the Oireachtas Justice Committee launch today, where the Report arising from the submissions and public hearings into the Scheme of the Capacity Bill was launched. The Justice Committee heard from many groups, including Inclusion Ireland, on the urgent need for reform in the area of capacity law."

"I support their call for a new capacity law. People who have been severely adversely affected by the present obsolete law include people with an intellectual disability, serious mental health problems, dementia and acquired brain injury. This law takes away a person's right to make decisions about their life. The Lunacy Act allows for the Ward of Court system, which means that for someone who has been made a 'Ward of Court', the Court makes all decisions about their lives, from medical and money decisions, to leaving the country and marrying."

"This is a very dated approach that dominates the lives of people in need of support. Ireland is behind every other European country in this area. While other countries allow for people to be supported to make decisions, Ireland takes all rights away from the person and the Court imposes a decision on them. We need to move away from the paternalistic stance of looking after what we decide are people's 'best interests', and move towards recognising a person's right to make decisions about their own lives, and to enable them to be supported to make decisions."

"Without modern capacity law Ireland cannot ratify the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which we signed up to over five years ago. Modern law in this area was promised since 2008 by the previous Government, and the current coalition committed to modern capacity law in their 2011 Programme for Government - I want to see a new capacity law enacted as soon as possible."

This Treaty is also about ensuring confidence abroad and maintaining and enhancing the influence that the Government has been rebuilding with investors, job-creators and with Europe.

I want to take this opportunity to welcome the announcement yesterday of an additional 280 jobs in the Pharmaceutical industry in Baldoyle in my Dublin North East constituency.

For job-creating investment, from which so many announcements have come in recent months, these decisions have come about thanks to the renewed political and economic stability and above all the determination of the Irish people - despite very painful sacrifices - to restore Ireland's economic health. The last few years have not been easy for people, but I feel that Ireland has no choice but to make these decisions.

Ireland has to manage its debt in such a way that over time, taxpayers' money goes not into servicing debts but more and more into public services and targeted growth initiatives to create jobs.

This Treaty is also about making sure Ireland has access to the funding that allows these public services to function and that government spending is maintained. The Government is determined to return to the financial markets next year to raise money on our own again.

I have to say that I do not agree with the arguments against the Treaty. The proponents of such arguments have put forward no credible alternative. Ireland is very fortunate to be in a position, thanks to the Crotty Judgement, that its people can vote on this referendum. But if we vote no, Ireland will be left behind when the rest of Europe proceeds to work within the Stability Treaty. Ireland will deemed to be incapable of making decisions within the wider European interest and will suffer the consequences in a situation where Ireland would be left with no sovereignty and would be depending on the EU/IMF deal to keep the State afloat.

Have those advocating a No vote considered what countries outside Europe might think of Ireland - countries that might be seriously considering investing in Ireland?
How do the No side think Ireland will be perceived in the event of a no vote, given that Ireland is at present reliant on bailouts from the EU and IMF? What policies do the No side have to deal with political difficulties in the event of a No vote, to access to the European Stability Mechanism funding if the EU economy is still underperforming and holding Ireland back?

Voting No genuinely will not help Ireland's recovery. If the Stability Treaty is about anything, it's about making sure that the huge mistakes of the past are not made again. It's about getting a sustainable, fair and people-focused economy here in Ireland and across Europe where public money is available for public services and job incentives, not paying down debt.

Are the No side also aware, that they are in fact advocating a No vote against a Treaty designed to bring existing enforcement rules into EU law in a more effective way?

I have also heard arguments asserting that Ireland should leave the European Union altogether, this would be political and economic madness, Ireland would then be completely isolated, the new currency would nosedive in value compared to the main currencies of the world, and we'd end up in an economic maelstrom such as Argentina and Russia have gone through in the past two decades.

If Ireland goes down this path, there would be no money to allow the country to spend on its public services. In all likelihood, Ireland would require the assistance of the IMF - another bailout, run by the IMF alone, and far more unpleasant than the present bailout.

If the course advocated by the No side was followed it would result in the short term that there would be no money to run any sort of decent public services - universities, schools would have no funding. Hospitals services would be curtailed and social welfare payments would be slashed. I don't want that to happen.

Such programmes advocated by the No side are nothing short of economic madness.

"The Sutton to Sandycove scheme is a fantastic project and allows Dublin citizens and tourists to walk or cycle along the coast from the suburbs to the city centre on a traffic free promenade and cycleway. Dun Laoghaire to Dublin City centre in 20 minutes regardless of traffic and I am delighted to see this part of the scheme get underway."

"€25,000 is being spent on the completion of the footpath at Kinsealy Church. This work involves the planning of the design and the construction of the footpath, which will form the missing part of the local footpath network."

"In Sutton, there will be €30,000 worth of improvements made to at the Church Road and Burrow Road school. The work involves the design and construction of footpath upgrade to improve access to school."

"I have been in discussions with Minister Alan Kelly regarding getting funding to enable these works to be undertaken and I am delighted he has decided to give the works the go-ahead. While the work involved may not appear significant, local communities will benefit from the work - it will enable people to walk safely along the roads involved with increased levels of safety."

"Over the past 25 years, successive governments have made commitments to ending the imprisonment of children in Ireland, but this is the first time there has been a concrete plan and timeline. Given the current economic pressures on the country, this development speaks volums about the good intentions that the Government has for the country. It is a powerful statement of the Government's commitment to the rights of children who come into conflict with the law. The message from the Ryan Report was not just about the past but what needs to change for children in the care of the State today, and the detention of children in prison continues to be one of the most glaring failures in how this State cares for children."

"This development is central to the reform of the youth justice system in Ireland, and, while there is still work to be done in reducing the numbers going into detention - particularly in addressing the high numbers on remand who do not go on to receive a detention order - that the imprisonment of children will end means the last of the larger outstanding issues will be addressed."

"We also welcome the acknowledgment that children in the criminal justice system have complex needs and backgrounds which require specialist therapeutic treatment and for which a punitive prison environment is extremely damaging. The Minister's statement recognizes the capacity of young people to change, a capacity which is supported by scientific research into adolescent development."

"We particularly welcome the interim arrangements commencing on 1st May 2012 which will see all newly remanded or sentenced boys aged 16 detained in children detention facilities and not an adult prison. However, we should not lose sight of the issues which remain in St Patrick's Institution. There are still around forty 16 and 17 year olds in St. Patrick's today and interim steps will be needed to transfer as many of these as possible out of the prison system over the next two years. There is also an urgent need for the Prison Service to take more steps to address other serious concerns in St. Patrick's, not least the high numbers of prisoners on protection, which at 33.6% are the highest across the prison system."